The Unspoken Reality of Life in the Banlieues of Holland

http://www.dw.com/en/netherlands-wilders-anti-moroccan-agenda/av-37843610

Click the link experience the discourse of the report and then understand that a pivotal reality remains silenced in the public debate over non-white immigrants in Holland and the EU.

The non-white immigrants articulate their discourse of alienation, victimhood and racist discrimination by describing contested spaces where they are condemned to inhabit. The whites describe a contested space where they are forced to interact with the non-whites who pose a threat to white hegemony and this threat is expressed via the discourse of the criminogenic non-white immigrant. A colonial power relation is then described by both sides. A colonial power relation in the heart of Europe in the 21st century where the instrument of the power relation is the banlieue or simply the non-white immigrant storage bins of Europe. The white discourse of white privilege and entitlement insists on the right to dominate and exploit non-white peoples but it insists on a delusional escapist position that there must be no blow back from this hegemonic position. In other words, those caught in the power relation must not engage in power struggles with this racist discourse. Wilders, the 1.3 million voters who voted for the PVV according to Wilders and all others who hold similar views must grasp the reality that the non-white immigrant problem in Holland commenced with the Dutch colonial imperial adventure. The creation of colonies swarming with non-white people dominated by a white minority for the sole benefit of the white minority created the flow of non-white people to Holland. Accept your colonial legacy and its blow back and accept the reality that the replication of colonial power relations in Holland is simply not feasible in the 21st century. The EU issue of accommodating asylum seekers and the impact on white society is an issue framed in white colonial discourse and is the product of the European colonial legacy which is why it feeds the 21st century mainstream neo Nazi political movement. Europe is yet to walk away from, to reject colonial racist discourse and its power relations within Europe as it’s all they are willing to revert to, gaze upon and utilise to constitute servile, disciplined non-whites. The discourse of biopower and its variant biopower/homo Economicus cannot apply to non-white immigrants. Colonial discourse insists on the housing of non-white immigrants in storage spaces/banlieues which are contested spaces where those housed within are blamed for being criminogenic and unwilling to join the mainstream. But being criminogenic you are formally rejected by the mainstream and your rejection of the mainstream flows from the colour of your skin, skin lightening cream anyone, chemically altered hair, nose and lip jobs. You are then living in a bi polar social order at best, a schizophrenic paranoid social order at worst. In the 21st century the discourse of Frantz Fanon reverberates in the heart of Europe Les Damnes de La Terre.

In Europe these banlieues are a single common feature of social orders that cut across national boundaries from Spain and Portugal to Scandinavia for the storage and containment of non-white immigrants. These containment zones have within their ranks throughout Europe no-go areas where the state has abdicated its responsibility to police and integrate these areas under the hegemony of the state. Which is not in keeping with the tenets of the original discourse of white colonial domination possibly because unlike the demography of the colonies these storage areas hold minority races. Their minority racial position is then the basis of the wall erected around them and the containment zones. Social control is then premised on racial profiling driving the policing of racial difference outside the containment zones.

The salient issue is then the manner in which these no-go zones are integrated into the wider society. One powerful instrument of integration is absent from the public discourse on these zones and that is the instrument of organised crime. This has nothing to do with criminal activity that has sprung up in these banlieues but in national and transnational organised crime groups utilising the special conditions of the no-go zones to supply goods, services and humans towards satisfying the illicit desires of the social order external of the zones, the society of the majority race. Illicit drugs and all forms of sexual services including children, other illicit goods and services are the most profitable pursuits.

The Dutch appetite for Moroccan hashish and sex with Arabs especially children is a long standing stimulus for Moroccan organised crime to establish operational networks in Holland. The drive of the Mexican Transnational Trafficking Organisations (MTTOs) to flood Europe with a tsunami of cocaine seen in the evolution of Rotterdam into a major import point for cocaine has provided the opportunity for Moroccan organised crime to widen its product base and increase its wealth generation. By becoming an affiliate of the MTTOs Moroccan organised crime has today added cocaine to its product mix along with migrant smuggling and small arms trafficking with access to methamphetamine supply pipelines and the technology to manufacture Mexican industrial grade ice/meth. This new evolved Moroccan organised crime as all organised crime views the banlieues as space afforded them by the state for the purpose of exercising illicit hegemony over. Organised crime sets in train the strategy to exercise hegemony over these areas in order to establish trafficking pipelines in these spaces. Wholesale and retail illicit drug markets are created in these spaces along with other illicit markets and an illicit social order is created to challenge the social order of the state. Labour is hired from these spaces and employed in the various roles created by these illicit markets. The order on the street is most apparent as the street gangs of non-whites begin to show the hierarchy and discipline demanded by the order/the Life. Soon there is ordered disciplined resistance to the state and state agencies are reduced to launching incursions as excuses for policing on a continuous basis. Every form of economic activity in this space is under the control of organised crime thereby choking off all licit and illicit enterprises that doesn’t flow with the Life creating a situation where all who live under this order are somehow impacted by the Life even if they are not employed in the economy of the Life ask the Camorra of Italy about this model as they perfected it utilising marginalised whites in Naples, Italy.

Organised crime is then the illicit entity that integrates the banlieues into the illicit and licit mainstreams to the benefit of but in the end the detriment of the state. Organised crime enters where the state marginalised and created an order to serve organised crime not the state but organised crime cannot survive without its organic links to the licit order but cannot generate such prodigious wealth by being licit. Organised crime then serves the interest of the state then moves to destroy the order of the state as it is compelled to do so. The 21st century mainstream neo Nazis rant and rave about the non-white immigrants but they organically need the banlieues under the control of organised crime as the politicians they seek to depose from control of the state. This is seen in the simplistic, racist nature of their discourse of the immigrant threat as the discourse takes for granted the continued existence and need for the banlieues of Europe.

The organic links between licit capitalist and state structures and organised crime constitutes a danse macabre where the lowest levels of the social order of the banlieues will be deemed existential threats to the Dutch social order and “Dutchness” whilst the integration of the banlieues into the social order of organised crime will never be challenged towards rooting it out. For the social order of organised crime/the Life is the basis for criminalising and policing racial minorities in Holland and the rest of Europe whilst organised crime remains organically linked to the licit order. The minorities of the banlieues are then branded criminogenic but this has no impact on the sustainability of the social order of organised crime in the banlieues it’s therefore organic to the licit order whilst the lowest levels of the banlieues play the game of continuous engagement with the criminal justice system of Holland.

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